The Closing of the Republican Mindbr Among voters for Clinton, 27 percent lived in their hometownbr and 43 percent lived 2 hours or more away from their hometown; among Trump supporters, 36 percent lived in their hometown and 37 percent lived 2 or more hours away.br One of the more interesting findings that came out of the 2016 election in the United States — a findingbr that reinforces Goodhart’s thesis — is that voters who never left, or remain close to, their hometowns tended to vote for Trump, while those who moved away were inclined to support Hillary Clinton.br And thus when we observe the behavior of those who live in distressed areas, we are not observing the effect of economic decline on the working class, we are observing a highly selected group of people who faced economic adversitybr and choose to stay at home and accept it when others sought and found opportunity elsewhere.br In a survey that was conducted from Aug. 23 to Sept. 2, 2016 — a month after Trump accepted his party’s nomination — Republicans’ positive assessment of collegesbr and universities fell to 43 percent, while negative assessments rose to 45 percent.br Between 2010 and 2017, the Pew Research Center asked voters whether collegesbr and universities have a positive or negative effect “on the way things are going in the country.”br From 2010 to 2015, solid majorities of Republicans and Democrats agreed that institutions of higher learning had a positive effect on America.br Somewhere voters, in Goodhart’s description, arebr more rooted and have “ascribed” identities — Scottish farmer, working class Geordie, Cornish housewife — based on group belongingbr and particular places, which is why they find rapid change more unsettling.